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| The Post-American World | 
 enlarge | Author: Fareed Zakaria
Publisher: W. W. Norton
Category: Book
List Price: $25.95
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Avg. Customer Rating:  158 reviews
Sales Rank: 148
Media: Hardcover
Number Of Items: 1
Pages: 288
Shipping Weight (lbs): 1.1
Dimensions (in): 9.6 x 6.2 x 1.3
ISBN: 039306235X
Dewey Decimal Number: 303.49
EAN: 9780393062359
ASIN: 039306235X
Publication Date: May 5, 2008
Availability: Usually ships in 1-2 business days
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| Customer Reviews:
 Critical reading for Americans June 17, 2008
13 out of 16 found this review helpful
This is the most insight-dense and clearly reasoned book I have read in quite some time. In it, Zakaria takes a step back and looks at where the world is today, how it got here and where it's going. Throughout that analysis, Zakaria makes one insightful and important comment after another. Americans who want a level-headed perspective on where globalization is taking the world and how the United States might fit into that scenario need look no further.
Zakaria starts with a historical overview of how some countries shut themselves off from the rest of the world and how some embraced it. Unsurprisingly, embracing the rest of the world was almost universally the more successful approach for countries, their societies and economies. From there, Zakaria explains that the United States has spent many, many years telling other countries to free up their political policies and their economies and now that it is happening, we're not always comfortable with the results.
Zakaria does a nice job providing perspective on the rise of China, India and the rest of the world and explains that even if the United States continues to grow its economy, it won't be as large as a percentage of the whole world as it has been. How positive or negative that turns out to be, Zakaria explains, is largely a matter of how we respond to the shifts taking place in the world.
Zakaria tackles some tough topics like how America handles its power on the world stage and debunks some common myths such as the one that states the United States is generating far fewer engineers and scientists than other countries. I found myself constantly re-reading passages to try to lock insights into my mind or stopping my reading to think about something I'd just read. That's the sign of a really good book.
Some reviews say the book is anti-American. I just don't agree. Zakaria takes an objective look at our country and points out plenty of good and not-so-good. For anyone or anything to improve, flaws need to be exposed, analyzed and improved. Zakaria comes across as a big fan of his adopted country who wants to see it excel in an environment that is bound to be very different from the one we've had for the last few decades. For Americans who want the same for themselves and their country, I really recommend reading this book.
Most balanced analysis on the subject yet June 30, 2008
13 out of 16 found this review helpful
This is the best book on the subject since The Rise and Fall of the Great Powers. Zakaria's analysis is balanced and insightful unlike After the Empire: The Breakdown of the American Order (European Perspectives: A Series in Social Thought and Cultural Criticism).
Zakaria benchmarks the U.S. outlook against England in the 19th century. England faded because of economic exhaustion as it became nearly bankrupt because of WWI when its debt reached 136% of GDP and interest payments amounted to 50% of its Budget. By 1945, the U.S. GDP was 10 times England. But, England extended its influence by facilitating the rise of the U.S.
The U.S. situation is different because it is a leading economy. Since the 1880s, it has been the largest economy steadily accounting for 25% of World GDP. Over the past 25 years, U.S. GDP growth has averaged 3% vs only 2% for Western Europe. While defense spending broke England's back, it accounts for only 4.1% of U.S. GDP. The U.S. Current Account Deficit (CAD) at 7% of GDP is not a concern when coupled with low unemployment, high productivity, and a world savings glut. He mentions the Smiley curve where the U.S. leads in product innovation (the smile left side) and in branding (the smile right side) where profits are generated. China leads in low cost manufacturing (the bottom of the Smiley curve) where profits are slim. Long term forecasts rank the U.S. GDP per capita way ahead of others. The U.S. is a technology leader dominating nanotech, and biotech. It invests 2.6% of GDP in higher education vs only 1.2% for Europe and Japan. In any discipline, U.S. universities routinely account for 7 of the top 10 worldwide spots.
Demography is another U.S strength. Europe is aging rapidly. This will increase its fiscal stress, shrink labor force, and slow economic growth. Many Asian countries are in the same situation. By 2010, Japan will have 3 million fewer workers than it did in 2005. But, the U.S. workforce will keep growing because it readily assimilates immigrants. The `Rise of the Rest' will mainly grab market share from Japan and Europe and not the U.S.
The U.S. has many challenges. Globalization has increased international competition. The U.S. has now one of the highest corporate tax rates because everyone lowered theirs. Due to a more efficient regulatory infrastructure London has bypassed NY as the top financial center. Jobs are going to places with well-trained workers with efficient benefit costs. U.S business can save $6,000 in health care costs per worker by moving operations to Canada.
The "rise of the rest" means mainly the rise of China and India. He dedicates chapter 4 to China (`The Challenger') and chapter 5 to India (`The Ally'). Those two economies are different. One is a top down government organized one (China). The other is a bottom up private sector driven one (India). The Chinese model creates superior infrastructure. India's model makes for superior capital allocation, and better managed companies.
China's GDP has grown by 9% p.a. for three decades. It is the world's low cost producer and is the emerging second world power. Its challenges include rapid environmental degradation, misallocation of capital due to a corrupt banking system. Its per capita GDP is still only 1/25th the U.S.
India has been the second fastest growing country, behind only China, growing at 8.5% during the 90s. But, its GDP per capita is only half China's. And 800 million Indians still live on only $2 a day. Its infrastructure is really poor. However, India's advantages include a thriving private sector with independent courts, and Rule of law. Also, unlike China it has a young population that will provide masses of able workers.
But, the growth of both China and India will test environment sustainability. Over the next 6 years China and India will build 800 coal-fired power plants with CO2 emissions five times the total savings of the Kyoto accords.
Zakaria thinks the U.S. dysfunctional Government represents the greatest threat to its economic supremacy. Policies should be implemented to boost savings, expand training in science, secure pensions, streamline immigration process, and improve energy efficiency. Yet, the entailed negotiated compromises between the parties appear impossible because of polarized politics.
Zakaria envisions we are entering the "Post-American World." There has been three major power shifts in the past 500 years. The first one was the rise of the West in the fifteenth century that produced the Italian Renaissance, Enlightenment, scientific method, and the industrial revolution. The second one was the rise of the U.S. in the 19th century leading the world in economics, science, and influence. We are transiting to the third major shift into the "Post-American World" where many nations share power. Zakaria suggests that just as England did not resist the advent of the U.S. in the 19th century, the U.S. should do the same with China and India. This would entail reforming international institutions such as the IMF, G-8, and the UN Security Council. Those institutions should reflect the new world order. If the U.S. can facilitate this transition, its influence will last longer.
He recommends the U.S. extricates itself out of the 8th century AD conflicts between Sunnis and Shiites and refocuses on China, India, and Brazil. The U.S. should develop good relations with all powers including Russia, and China. It should combat terrorism in non-military ways to avoid harming itself economically and politically by overreacting. The U.S. has to reestablish legitimacy. "It is one thing to scare your enemies; it's another to terrify the rest of the world" Today among European countries, up to 80% oppose U.S. foreign policy. For America to succeed amid the rise of the rest, it needs to remain an attractive place for immigrants.
If you enjoy this book, I also recommend his very lucid The Future of Freedom: Illiberal Democracy at Home and Abroad, Revised Edition
Zakaria offers 'the gift of others' to see us . . . . May 22, 2008
12 out of 25 found this review helpful
Perhaps the most valued, but often unappreciated service anyone can offer is as Robbie Burns described in 1786, "Oh, wad some power the giftie gie us to see oursels as other see us!"
Zakaria is that power, and this book is his gift to America.
As a native of India, well schooled in the best of British education and values, he is an astute observer and commentator. From Alexis de Tocqueville to John Buchan (Lord Tweedsmuir) and Alistair Cooke, America is blessed by some exceptionally fine guests, observers and critics.
However, as a native of India, he is handicapped by his society's limitations in assessing the basic strengths of America. This weakness is similar to that of India, China and Britain - - always emphasizing the logical command-and-control order of competent intelligence, instead of the understanding the free wheeling serendipity of chaos.
The American genius is an ability to create order from chaos, and to tolerate chaos as the raw material of new ideas. It's the secret of Andrew Carnegie, just as it applies to Bill Gates, Sergey Brin and Jeff Bezos and many others from George Washington onward. When you understand the chaos and stubborn individualism from which America was created in 1776, you will understand the innovative aspect of America.
Another basic quality of America is tolerance, a contrast to the India/Pakistan dispute which claimed more than half-a-million lives and created 10 million refugees after independence in 1947. Likewise, in South Africa now, "illegal immigrants' are hunted down and killed; in East Germany, an estimated 160 migrants have been killed since the Berlin Wall came down.
In contrast, despite whining by right-wing xenophobes and the rants of talk-radio bozos, America absorbs immigrants like dry bread soaks up gravy. Both are better for it. Zakaria deals extensively with the benefits immigrants - - and he is one of those benefits, as this book richly proves - - but he ignores the nature of a society that embraces differences instead of seeking to kill them.
India offers one image (correct or not) of the importance of cows; America offers a thousand images of cows, and tolerates them all. It's the nature of a democracy, which Zakaria disparages in 'The Future of Freedom'.
It's these subtle differences which Zakaria overlooks; yet, these differences give America its world leadership role. It has nothing to do with guns and bombs or the blunders of President George Bush; the world always knows the date an inept (or brilliant) U.S. president will be out of office, a fact which few other countries can equal.
Tocqueville and Cooke described the spirit of America; Zakaria dwells too much on materialism and the fact the rest of the world may catch up. In brief, it is like comparing Tata to Ford instead of Hinduism to the Puritans.
As a final salute to democracy based on combined opinions (as of May 22) of others, the '4 star' rating is perfect.
 An Extended Newsweek Article June 19, 2008
12 out of 14 found this review helpful
One should be suspicious of a book on global affairs sold in airport bookshops. This is a lightweight, extended Newsweek article in which Zakaria quotes his friends a lot and makes no penetrating or original observations. The chapter on India is better than the rest of the book. As Foreign Policy Lite for the next US president it will probably secure Zakaria a place in the pantheon of policy advisors.
This World Has Already Arrived July 18, 2008
9 out of 10 found this review helpful
First and foremost, there is an elephant in the room.
Fareed Zakaria is a member of the PNAC: Project for the New American Century. The PNAC advocates using the US military to overthrow foreign governments to enforce American economic interests around the globe, no matter how negative the consequences. The PNAC advocates this foreign policy because there is no check on the United States after the collapse of the USSR. After the PNAC-Iraq campaign didn't turn out to be as cheap and easy as the PNAC and Zakaria thought it would be, Zakaria "changed" his opinion. How interesting; how convenient. A journalistic version of the Peter Principle. This author's PNAC membership is relevant to his latest book.
In "the Post-American World" Zakaria reinforces his points by noting globalization and changes 500 years ago, historically and adequately linking the past with our truly globalized civilization of today. In the latter 18th Century America rose steadily. The Spanish-American war brought territory far off the the shore of the US. After WWII, the US emerged as one of two superpowers, and after the fall of the Soviet Union, became what the author calls, a "hyperpower." This hyperpower status is when many nation-states do what nation-states historically do: get greedy, become selfish, and over-reach diplomatically, economically, and militarily.
To echo other readers, yes this book is optimistic. Why wouldn't it be? The focus is on the global economy and emerging markets, basically. Zakaria claims American influence isn't declining, but that the rest of the world is rising. Where is the evidence that the US is not declining? The evidence of US decline is everywhere, domestically and internationally.
The Post-American world noticeably started emerging in the early 1990s and it's obvious across the globe now. Zakaria accurately focuses on the past 25 years, citing many facts. In my opinion, not only is the rest of the world ascending *economically* (China, India, Brazil, Vietnam, and others) but the US is in a state of slow and steady decline. This is historically normal, and natural. Over the the course of history, all superpowers grow, peak, and then decline. This is not negative. It's the evolution of the nation-state. Just like people. We're born, we grow, we age, and we die. The Roman empire declined over the course of 300 years. The USA is diminishing much faster.
It's not surprising that Americans in the Global Pew survey recorded the lowest of all countries in their opinions about globalization and "free trade" according to Zakaria. Yet, this has been the official policy of the US government for several decades.
With the current economic ascension of several nations, do international organizations accurately represent the current world population and economic strength of the world? Look at the G8: why is Canada in the G8 and Brazil, not? Why are France and Italy members? As for outsourcing, is outsourcing jobs all positive, having no negative ramifications at all? Is chasing the cheapest labor the success of "globalization?" Is opening the door for immigration not only for menial low-paying jobs, but highly skilled ones via the H1-B visa, success of our international global economy in the USA?
Only a couple of complaints about this book: author Zakaria is stating things anyone who follows current events already knows. Many of the global economic facts, especially pertaining to China and India, are already common knowledge. The author could have dug deeper. This book was also very short. Perhaps this book was aimed at readers who don't pay attention to international affairs. "The Post-American World" is for neophytes, and that's OK. Any information, with accurate research, is worthy information. Whatever the author's objectives, the book did reach some of a American public that casually watches the conglomerate American mainstream media, as there were discussions about this book when it was released.
The more Americans become aware, the more frugal, more humble, and less nationalistic they may become.
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