| Believing in Magic: The Psychology of Superstition | 
enlarge | Author: Stuart A. Vyse Publisher: Oxford University Press, USA Category: Book
List Price: $22.95 Buy Used: $8.00 You Save: $14.95 (65%)
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Avg. Customer Rating: 7 reviews Sales Rank: 97694
Media: Paperback Number Of Items: 1 Pages: 272 Shipping Weight (lbs): 0.5 Dimensions (in): 8 x 5.3 x 0.6
ISBN: 0195136349 Dewey Decimal Number: 150 EAN: 9780195136340 ASIN: 0195136349
Publication Date: May 18, 2000 Availability: Usually ships in 1-2 business days
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| Editorial Reviews:
Amazon.com Review Wade Boggs is one of the best hitters baseball has ever known; at the plate he's a master technician. He also believes that eating chicken gives him good luck, so he's eaten chicken every day for years. Starting with the superstitions of ballplayers, Stuart Vyse, a psychology professor at Connecticut College, embarks on a fascinating exploration of superstitious thoughts in Believing In Magic. Employing scientific techniques and utilizing hard facts, Vyse shows how silly superstition really is. Yet he also admits that some people do perform better when they follow their superstitious rituals. This is a highly informative book, dealing with everything from chain letters to lucky charms to lottery systems.
Product Description Although we live in a technologically advanced society, superstition is as widespread as it has ever been. Far from limited to athletes and actors, superstitious beliefs are common among people of all occupations and every educational and income level. Here, Stuart Vyse investigates our proclivity towards these irrational beliefs. Superstitions, he writes, are the natural result of several well-understood psychological processes, including our human sensitivity to coincidence, a penchant for developing rituals to fill time (to battle nerves, impatience, or both), our efforts to cope with uncertainty, the need for control, and more. Vyse examines current behavioral research to demonstrate how complex and paradoxical human behavior can be understood through scientific investigation, while he addresses the personality features associated with superstition and the roles of superstitious beliefs in actions. Although superstition is a normal part of human culture, Vyse argues that we must provide alternative methods of coping with life's uncertainties by teaching decision analysis, promoting science education, and challenging ourselves to critically evaluate the sources of our beliefs.
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Fascinating and downright funny September 27, 2008 This is a fascinating and often downright funny book. Vyse's thesis is that superstitions are "a largely predictable outcome of the processes that control human learning and cognition".
In general, superstitions tend to develop when the nature of the problem is unclear, then something random is paired with the desired result, which supplies a strong bias to repeat it. When the "cost" of the superstitious behavior is minimal and the result is important, people tend to reason that they'd "better not risk it." Humans are pattern seeking animals and tend to find patterns even where there are none. Of course, superstitious behavior can also be learned from others.
Vyse writes, "superstitions often spring from reasoning errors, but these mistakes (illusions of control, misunderstandings of chance and probability, confirmation bias) are common to us all...reasoning errors are a natural feature of our humanity." (p 208) This book serves to explain various errors that lead to superstitious beliefs. Humans tend to make systematic reasoning errors in predictable ways, and Vyse touches on some of those that lead to superstitious behavior. Another fascinating book that does an excellent job at explaining those errors is How We Know What Isn't So: The Fallibility of Human Reason in Everyday Life by Cornell psychologist Thomas Gilovich. As Carl Sagan wrote in Demon Haunted World, "if we resolutely refuse to acknowledge where we are liable to fall into error, then we can confidently expect that error." Understanding the reasoning errors we are prone to make is the first step to avoiding them.
I laughed out loud at the results of some of the studies. Participants in one study sat at a desk with three switches, a signal light, and a "point" counter. They were told that "they were not required to do anything in particular but that they should try to earn as many points as possible. Points appeared on the counter on different schedules...always completely independently of anything the students did." Various superstitious behaviors emerged. "As might be expected, most of these behaviors involved patterns of lever pulls. For example, one student made four rapid pulls on a single lever then held the lever for several seconds. The student used this pattern repeatedly for over thirty minutes, alternating among the three levers...of course, the students' responses had absolutely no effect on the delivery of points, but in each case, a careful analysis of the data revealed that each superstitious pattern of lever-pulling began with a coincidence: a point being given at the end of a sequence of responses." (p 73) Some participants developed superstitions unrelated to the levers; one woman's behavior was described as such: "...she climbed on the table and put her right hand on the counter. Just as she did so, another point was delivered. Thereafter she began to touch many things in turn, such as the signal light, the screen, a nail on the screen, and the wall. About 10 minutes later, a point was delivered just as she jumped to the floor, and touching was replaced by jumping. After five jumps, a point was delivered when she jumped and touched the ceiling with her slipper in her hand. Jumping to touch the ceiling continued repeatedly and was followed by points until she stopped about 25 minutes into the session, perhaps because of fatigue."
Do you believe in magic? September 6, 2006 Superstitution, clincially speaking, is what we resort to when chance governs outcomes.
That's the message delivered by this book which thoroughly treats issues merely raised in other literature by researchers of religious ideation. What's fascinating is that studies demonstrating pidgeon and mouse behavior when sporadically rewarded with food are very similar to studies of young and adult humans when rewards are similarly sporadically given.
Significantly, instead of attributing the rewards to being merely the product of chance, the subjects studied repeat the elaborate rituals they've developed which -- in their experience -- equate with being rewarded. What makes this particularly significant is that it shows that humans, pidgeons and mice alike share arguably similar mental templates for causation and how it works.
And just like pidgeons and mice, we can trick our mental templates for causation to see causation where it doesn't even exist. In this way, there are great similarities to the pidgeon dance exhibited by pidgeons being sporadically rewarded food and Wade Boggs taking a practice run at 7:17 before the game.
Together with Bennet's "Theory of Mind" and Boyer's speculations on religious ideation, this book goes along way toward explaining what makes humans believe in magic and superstitous generally.
Typing With My Lucky Toothbrush At My Side March 16, 2002 10 out of 11 found this review helpful
I've found that my best days have been the ones on which I brushed my teeth. Then again my worst days have occurred after brushing my teeth. Why do I only remember the positive connections? Author Vyse has written an interesting treatise on superstitious people: their types, upbringing, and thinking. Certain social and occupational groups tend to be particularly superstitious: athletes, sailors, soldiers, gamblers, miners, financial investors, and, surprisingly (to me), college students. Many students dress up or dress down for an exam; bring lucky pens; sit in a certain place; indulge in bizarre rituals like entering the exam room through a window, or not coming to the exam until finding a penny on the ground outside. Although the author explores much research seeking the answer to the question of who is most likely to be superstitious, many of the results are not highly significant. One reason for the development of superstition is to give a person a feeling of control in situations where events are often beyond control. This is especially associated with depressed or highly anxious individuals, and those who are deficient in critical thinking. Included is a very important chapter on coincidence, probability, and contiguity. Was an event a coincidence, a supernatural happening or simple proof of the laws of probability? If two events happen in immediate succession was this a coincidence or a case of cause and effect? The author, in conclusion, deplores the fact that critical thinking is not taught in schools. As a result skeptics (like myself) are derided while non-rational beliefs such as New Age thinking are often considered to be the in thing. The beauty of this book is that it can be informative to those with psychology backgrounds, and to the general reader. It's easy reading, entertaining, and sure to increase your knowledge of superstitious behavior. Highly recommended reading.
enjoyable, except for the seemingly myriad of "Wade Boggs".. January 21, 2002 0 out of 2 found this review helpful
After reading this book, I realized that I had a superstition: The inability to read a "critique" that's more than a page long (1,000 words Max?). A lot of books I will read to about three-quarters of the way through; after that it's just drivel. This book was very interesting and entertaining. I found it mentally enthralling. Thanks Stuart A. Vyse!
On Guard! December 18, 2000 29 out of 48 found this review helpful
A rationalist must be intellectually "on guard" against both bunk and would-be de-bunkers. This should have been a much better book. * The author includes as evidence of superstition the well-known sports rituals such as bouncing the basketball a set number of times in a set pattern at the free throw line. He includes data on such practices in reporting the prevalence of superstition in sports, early and throughout the book. After 90 pages, he allows that "these personal rituals serve a number of valuable purposes and are not at all superstitions", citing the advantages of focus, the ritual becoming part of the context of the performance, the feedback, the value of visualization, etc. "Psychological research supports the importance of this strategy, and coaches often encourage athletes to develop a standard routine." But earlier, on page 28, he lists 14 actions labeled "Superstitions" that include "Standing in identical spot for free throw", an absolutely absurd labeling as superstition of something that is obvious common sense! (By my evaluation, 9 of the 14 "superstitions" unequivocally make good sense as psychological "anchors" or better.) * On page 90, he addresses what should have been addressed much earlier: "So when are they [routines] superstitious? A routine becomes superstitious when a particular action is given special, magical significance." He acknowledges "...it is often difficult to draw the line between superstition and useful preparation..." Yes indeed, as any sports psychologist would tell you, and why bother? But the problem is that the author has preceded this with 89 pages (and follows it with another hundred or so) of not making this distinction, or citing "data" on incidence of superstition that take no account of this distinction. How could Skinner's famous experiments, cited at length and with approval, possibly give data on the development of "superstition" in pigeons when the distinction cannot be based on "magical significance." Basketball players were not asked. * A bald non-scientific bias in his own position shows up early (page 27) when the author addresses datasets that show a positive correlation between "superstitious" acts (like free-throw rituals) and success. At this point in the book, the author has not yet acknowledged any possible non-magical value, so what is he to do with this data? A sports psychologist or coach would say it is not a superstition at all, but an "anchor", and use the data to show that it works; using a free-throw ritual improves success. But Vyse, because he has labeled all this "superstition", cannot dare to say that "superstition" leads to success. So he reverts to the only alternative when faced with a data correlation. He claims that the evidence shows not that "superstition breeds success" but rather that "success breeds superstition!" (See page 27, last line.) After the belated acknowledgment of the value of routine and rituals on page 90, he again reverts to his earlier position of no value. * Similar flawed data interpretations occur throughout the book. Some are (or at least could be) just a matter of industrial safety and prudence (not walking under ladders, pg. 48) or unpleasant associations (e.g. pg. 9) or interest in science fiction (pg. 16) or team cheers (pg. 29) or team socializing (pg. 197) or emotional state management by prayer or music (pg. 31). * A technical failure involves what should have been the most important lesson of the book, and probably still makes a worthwhile impression on readers, in spite of the fact that it is incorrectly explained. This involves the erroneous interpretation of the 2x2 outcome matrix to develop illusory correlations (page 116). * The Chapter 1 summary of sociological studies of religion and magic is excellent, and Chapter 3 on the relation between superstition and coincidence is good, and is a major aspect of the "problem" of superstition. But I would have noted that the ability of humans and other animals to recognize coincidence is part of intellect and provides the precursor of scientific work - this is the origin of hypotheses. Many of the laboratory tests cited (wherein psychologists use deception to victimize their sophomore students with frustrating tasks) that purport to show the emergence of "superstitious behavior" would show to me no more than tentatively held hypotheses and practical fuzzy logic, a subject that the author should have engaged. I see little difference between the emergence of "superstitious" behavior in Skinner's pigeons or frustrated sophomores and computer neural networks. * The treatment of expected utility theory (pp 188-195 and elsewhere) is inadequate, and obvious counter-examples to this economic "theory" are easily constructed. Throughout, the author should have distinguished not just between rational and irrational, but also arational. It is not until pg. 123 that he gives a definition of paranormal, and by it many of his previous accusations would be excluded. He admits the shortcomings of profiling a superstitious person but still presents the pseudo-scientific result (pg 55); it is largely meaningless. (And insulting - e.g., the superstitious person is female!) He makes much of an imagined distinction (pg 220 and elsewhere) between feeling "fortunate" (OK) and "lucky" (superstitious and not OK), an empty distinction not supported by thesaurus or dictionary. He fails to communicate the essential aspect of random coin tosses - they do not "even out" as he states (pg 100), rather the cumulative ratio of heads to tails only tends to approach (not reach) a limit value of 1. His call (pg 212) to teach critical thinking is welcome, but one could teach such a course using his book as a foil! * In summary, the book was worth reading, but to my disappointment I found I continually had to be "on guard" against flaws in logical inferences, prejudice in examining data, premature conclusions from small sample studies, implied guilt or innocence by association in lists, and manipulation by labeling - on guard against the same techniques used in claims of psychics, numerologists, astrologers, and herbal quacks.
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